Faith and Belief. Remembering the Past. Clement, Jennifer , Rice, G. Telling stories. Clement, Jennifer Bowels, emotion, and metaphor in early modern English sermons. The Seventeenth Century ,. Australian Feminist Studies , 34 99 : - Kilner, Kerry , Collie, Natalie and Clement, Jennifer Using innovative teaching practices to inspire critically engaged reading and writing in a neoliberal university environment.
Higher Education Research and Development , 38 1 : - Parergon , 35 2 : - Clement, Jennifer He being dead, yet speaketh: the preacher's voice in early seventeenth-century posthumous sermon collections. Renaissance Studies , 32 5 : - English Studies , 98 7 : - Clement, Jennifer and Long, Christian Authenticity and adaptation in two Shakespeare films: the case of Macbeth and Cymbeline Clement, Jennifer Dearly beloved: love, rhetoric and the seventeenth-century English sermon.
English Studies , 97 7 : - Clement, Jennifer Johnson, Kimberly, Made flesh: sacrament and poetics in post-reformation England, Philadelphia, University of Pennsylvania Press, ; cloth; pp. Parergon , 33 2 : - Parergon , 33 3 : - Shakespeare , 11 1 : 1 - 9. Clement, Jennifer Passions and subjectivity in early modern culture. Parergon , 31 2 : - Women are a source of continual horrified wonder, mockery, and rhetorical invention in the second part of the Arcipreste , which encourages readers to laugh at the maddening women depicted in its exemplary tales and parodic dialogues mimicking hysterical female voices.
The Arcipreste was successful in the context of its first historical audiences and later gained its own canonical status among generations of readers. First printed in , five more editions followed between and There is some evidence that the Arcipreste was received by its late medieval audiences as something less than a serious and didactic work. Pere Torrellas c. The exact date, circumstances, and intentions of his composition of the Maldezir are unknown; however, by the s it had become infamous in the courts of Castile and the Crown of Aragon.
The Maldezir concludes with an about-face; the final stanza praises an unknown beloved lady whose singular virtues are an exception to the rule 60— Montoro also wrote verses in agreement with the Maldezir. The cancionero context suggests that debating the nature of women in the courts of Castile and Aragon was one way that male courtiers might assert their cultural and symbolic capital. Pere Torrellas also wrote a Defensa de las donas at some point following the composition of his in famous poem, yet his Defensa did not enjoy the wide and long-lived diffusion of his incendiary Maldezir.
The author then describes his meditation on the conundrum, which begins with a rehearsal of all the misogynist topoi. Cardiana lists fifty-four proofs of the merit of women, citing scriptural and philosophical antecedents, including Aristotle, as well as numerous examples of legendary good women and evil men. This last supposed proof no doubt seemed as dubious in the fifteenth century as it does today, and was perhaps intended as a touch of lubricious and dark humor. When women paint their faces, she argues, it enhances their natural and God-given beauty, in contrast to all of the beautifying chicanery of men who pad their calves and corset their waists in order to appear more attractive The dreamer awakes and takes the tale of Cardiana and her defense of women back to the court.
The Triunfo was quite popular in the Castilian court, and in was translated into French for Philip the Good of Burgundy. He begins with famous virgins and chaste wives, including the story of Lucretia, a staple in catalogues of good women. A Roman matron who stabs herself in the heart after she has been raped, Lucretia exemplifies the value of feminine honor. The ranks of good women in the Defensa are swelled by thousands of nameless virginal Israelites, nations of chaste and constant women Germans, Indians, Menians , and the eleven thousand virgin martyrs in St.
Could there be anything more virtuous than those women, to whom Nature gave weak bodies, tender hearts, and generally sluggish intelligence, yet who are even more virtuous than men, to whom valiant bodies, quick intelligence, and strong hearts are a natural gift? The catalogue ends on a note of authorial uncertainty. Faced with the decision of which famed woman should conclude the third and final section, Luna says he first thought of Saint Elizabeth, and then of Saints Pelagia and Cassia—two harlot saints, whose stories revolve around repentance for sexual sins—before electing Saint Catherine of Alexandria, famed for sanctity, beauty, and wisdom as his ultimate example, perhaps intending his conclusion to be a posthumous homage to Catherine of Lancaster Catherine excels even Aristotle and Plato in wisdom The valedictory argument of the book returns to Genesis and the creation of Woman in the image of and as companion to Man These attacks and defenses of women all rely upon a certain gender orthodoxy, based upon the supposedly natural physiological and moral inferiority of women.
The biblical account of creation and fall, supported by Aristotelianism and humoral theory, explained the existence of women, as secondary human beings made for, after, and from men, and, further, as marked forever by original sin in physical ways that men are not. The dividing lines of the debate, then, are drawn within a structural and conceptual order in which women are a priori as something other and lesser than men.
These works attacking or defending women also all concern how men should relate to women, and consequently clearly demonstrate that male comportment and courtliness are just as, and perhaps more, important in this stage of debate literature than notions of feminine behavior. Eloquence, finesse, and the ability to argue successfully on both sides of the divide were often valued over sincerity in this context. Depending upon the position of the writer and his intended audiences, woman and women are discussed either as a problem for or boon to men. Teresa de Cartagena, the author of two spiritual treatises, is one of a small group of medieval Iberian women writers whose works have come down to us.
An educated woman who participated directly in the querella , she is an example of the distance between the cultural ideograms constructed by male authors in the debate and the experience of historical women. While the precise nature of her studies there is unknown, it was not uncommon for aristocratic women to be well educated at the time. The Arboleda de enfermos is a meditation on the spiritual value of suffering, in which Teresa describes how her own suffering from deafness imposed a beneficial, if painful, isolation upon her.
Although she wrote from the isolation of the convent and her deafness, the two treatises appear to have circulated among the same audiences that were the intended readership of the anti- and profeminine male-authored works discussed above. The sentimental romances thus weave the querella in to their interrogations of courtly love and explorations of the ideological conflicts inherent in the performance of masculinity and femininity. La Madrina, who has consistently appealed to lived experience over authority, replies in her own defense that self-evident truths must not be denied The querella appears in both formal and allusive guises in the two romances, which stage the debates and their consequences in the courts of rulers conflicted by the mutually exclusive terms of love and justice, settings that must have clearly resonated with the political agenda of the Catholic Monarchs.
Leriano, a young nobleman is unable to be the recognized love-servant of the princess Laureola, who explains that, while she does not want him to die of lovesickness, cannot risk her honor by accepting his love. The courtship, such as it is, is carried out in a series of letters in which the querella is a clear intertextual reference. Fearing that she will be thought movible fickle , like so many women before her, Laureola writes in her final attempt to dissuade Leriano from dying of love, that his death will cause her to be the object of further criticism In her last letter to Leriano, Laureola also tries to put their relationship into a different courtly context, that of royal patronage.
Is Laureola a belle dame sans merci , who has cruelly caused the death of a valiant and nobleman, or is she the victim of a courtly code that damns her regardless of whether she unsubmissively protects her honor or acquiesces? The trial is ordered by a king who wishes to set a precedent after his council is unable to determine who to blame when the knight Grisel and the princess Mirabella are discovered in flagrante.
Consequently, women cannot force men to engage in sexual relations, while men can easily force women —, — As the powerless subjects of male control, she argues, women cannot be to blame if they are easily led to sin by men. He adds that should women one day be freed from the restraints of shame, they would pursue and seduce men just as avidly as men do women, a vision that Flores develops in another romance that draws upon the querella , Triunfo de amor The Triumph of Love — Torrellas is declared the victor of the trial.
Mirabella, and by extension, all women are condemned. Both Grisel and Mirabella commit suicide: Grisel throws himself into the bonfire to save Mirabella from the death to which she is condemned, while Mirabella throws herself into a pit of lions, unable to face life without Grisel. Fifteenth-century writers enjoyed a veritable rhetorical arsenal of commonplaces for arguing, on the one hand, in the defense of women and, on the other, for proving the superiority of the male sex and the iniquity of women. Cancionero poetry and the profeminine treatises written in the middle decades of the fifteenth-century, in turn, explore the rhetorical possibilities and the courtly posturing available to men arguing in the defense and defamation of women and love.
Teresa de Cartagena took the challenge a step further by playing upon the difference between natural, sexually differentiated bodies and the God-given equality of intellectual potential. Fiction, unlike the polemical works, placed the querella within dialogic frames that bring the act of debating under scrutiny while also imagining women taking active and authoritative roles as orators and writers, providing contesting images and counter narratives to those excluding women from public speech and from taking up the pen. Allusions to the querella abound in late medieval and early modern literature.
Within the horizons of expectation of their varied genres, the foundational querella texts all respond to the misalignments between gender orthodoxy and experience. This indeterminacy did not end with the fifteenth century.
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The texts of the querella enjoyed a lasting cultural presence, and their influence can be clearly felt throughout the early modern period. Some scholars consider the querelle a coherent, European tradition lasting from the fourteenth century until the French Revolution, while others define its parameters as spanning from the Middle Ages to the twentieth century, encompassing all texts from Europe and the Americas that comment upon the nature and status of women.
Misoginia y defensa de las mujeres , which also includes biblical, classical, and sixteenth-century examples. For an anthology of European querelle texts, see Blamires, ed.
Woman Defamed. For the broader European context see, for example, Kolsky, Stanton, and Warner.
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On humoral theory and its importance for medieval and early modern ideas of gender classification, see Paster. Aristotle and Virgil figure frequently among the ranks of such enamored sages. In order to avoid imposing anachronistic political and philosophical constructs upon pre-modern works, here feminist and the related terms pro- and proto-feminist are not used. Rather, for the sake of conciseness, misogynist and antifeminine are used as catchalls to refer to those texts and authorial stances that express hatred of women misogyny , fear of women gynophobia or horror feminae , and the rejection of marriage misogamy.
The term profeminine is used to refer to those texts and authors that defend women in response to misogynist attacks by praising femininity and feminine virtues, as traditionally defined.
Material Cultures of Early Modern Women's Writing : Patricia Pender :
On the term profeminine , see Blamires, The Case of Women 11— On the formation and institutionalization of Aristotelian sex polarity, see Allen. On the relation between Aristotelian sex polarity and changing legal customs in the later middle ages, see Stuard. On humanistic responses to the Aristotelian revolution and their relation to the querella, see Rivera Garretas.
Conduct literature for women also frequently cites the biblical verses in praise of the good wife in order to instruct readers how to emulate her. Translation by the author. Little Sermons on Sin does not reproduce the epilogue. Dutton and Krogstad provide the texts of all known versions of the Maldezir as well as of the poetic responses to Torrellas in El cancionero del siglo XV, ca.
On medieval women writers see Deyermond and Surtz, Writing Women. Deliberation about the very existence and parameters of the genre is ongoing, but there is a general consensus, at least in practice, among critics that a series of short, formally hybrid stories about unrequited or tragic love, produced between and , form the genre.
Invalid Search. Enter keywords, authors, DOI etc. Search History. Search history from this session 0. Metrics Views The second wave: the querella in fiction Notes Works cited. Abstract The Querelle des femmes , often called the Querella de las mujeres in Hispanic studies, is difficult to define. In the right circumstances, rhetorical or actual transgression can facilitate rather than disrupt the securing of social approval from the masculine elite. A key further contribution in this field is the volume of essays Thorne co-edited with Richards, Rhetoric, Women and Politics in Early Modern England Turning towards the place of the female subject as, literally, a speaker of the rhetoric of Protestantism, Richards pays equally precise attention to the ways in which Askew voices the Bible, and is glossed as a speaker, arguing that by recognising her voice as both saturated with Biblical language and story, and agile in mobilising the force of such words, it is also specific in ways that can be glossed by Bale.
Richards demonstrates that a flexible, yet authoritative, female Protestant spoken rhetoric can be excavated from the printed text. Such a re-evaluation can add or, arguably, recover the dimension of voice as part of the increasing number of ways in which women shaped the English Reformation in its first half century or so. This use of music to slander is, as he writes, both represented and investigated on the Renaissance stage.
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In arguing that the principle of mitior sensus invited an interpreter to consider the slanderous potential of a speech as inoffensive, Veerapen sees this as setting the terms on which accusations were made and offences committed. Making the point that, although we cannot know what Shakespeare was thinking, we can see resemblances between events in his life, for example in the the number and names of his children and the names of characters in his plays.
The essay offers a cultural study of those claiming to have availed themselves of forensic glimpses of the bard in situ. While the connections with her first monograph are clear, we can also see the continuing benefits of her creative and sophisticated thinking on rhetorical situations.